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Theodosius II (Emperor Of The Eastern Roman Empire - 408-450)

Theodosius II (Emperor Of The Eastern Roman Empire - 408-450)[1]

Male 401 - 450  (49 years)

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  • Name Theodosius II (Emperor Of The Eastern Roman Empire - 408-450)  
    Born 10 Apr 401  Constantinople, Turkey Find all individuals with events at this location 
    Gender Male 
    RULED 408-450 Find all individuals with events at this location 
    _UID A85E86302ABB4F86819E959D73A292B22004 
    Died 28 Jul 450  Constantinople, Turkey Find all individuals with events at this location 
    Person ID I27888  Carney Wehofer Feb 2024 Genealogy
    Last Modified 22 May 2011 

    Father Arcadius I (Emperor Of The Eastern Roman Empire - 395-408),   b. 377-378, Cauca (Coca), Gallaecia, Spain Find all individuals with events at this location,   d. May 408, Rome, Italy Find all individuals with events at this location  (Age 30 years) 
    Mother ?lia Eudoxia Of The Eastern Roman Empire,   b. 377, Frankish Gaul Find all individuals with events at this location,   d. 6 Oct 404  (Age 27 years) 
    Married 27 Apr 395 
    Family ID F2055  Group Sheet  |  Family Chart

    Family Eudocia (Athenais) Of Athens,   b. 401, Athens, Greece Find all individuals with events at this location,   d. 20 Oct 460, Jerusalem, Palestine Find all individuals with events at this location  (Age 59 years) 
    Children 
     1. Licinia Eudoxia Of The Eastern Roman Empire,   b. 422, Constantinople, Turkey Find all individuals with events at this location,   d. Constantinople, Turkey Find all individuals with events at this location
    Last Modified 29 Aug 2016 
    Family ID F12235  Group Sheet  |  Family Chart

  • Notes 
    • Theodosius II (b. 10 April 401, Constantinople [now Istanbul, Turkey] -d. 28 July 450), Eastern Roman emperor from 408 to 450. He was a gentle,scholarly, easily dominated man who allowed his government to be run by asuccession of relatives and ministers.

      The son of the Eastern emperor Arcadius (reigned 383-408), he was madeco-emperor in 402 and became sole ruler of the East upon his father'sdeath in 408. At first the able Anthemius, praetorian prefect of theEast, was regent for young Theodosius. Anethemius dropped out of sight in414, when the emperor's sister, Pulcheria received the title augusta andassumed the regency. Throughout his reign, control of the governmentremained out of Theodosius' hands.

      At various times during his reign, Theodosius sent armies against theVandals of Africa, the Persians, and the Huns. His generals defeatedPersian (Sasanian) invaders in 422 and 447, but campaigns against theVandals, who had occupied most of Roman Africa in 429, ended in failure.Theodosius' policy of appeasing the mighty Hun leader Attila did notprevent massive Hun invasions of the Danube provinces in 441-442 and 447.His reign was also troubled by a dispute over the heretical doctrines ofNestorius, whom Theodosius appointed patriarch of Constantinople in 428.Nesorius was deposed by a church council in 431.

      Theodosius' name is associated with three important projects. The first,erection of an impregnable wall around Constantinople (413), was actuallythe work of Anthemius. The emperor did, however, have a hand in foundingthe University of Constantinople in 425 and in supervising compilation ofthe Theodosian Code (published 438), which codified the laws issued after312. Theodosius died from injuries suffered during a hunting accident.His daughter Licinia Eudoxia married the Western Roman emperorValentinian III (reigned 425-455). [Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1995]

      From Geoffrey S. Nathan, University of California- Los Angeles:

      Early Life and Reign - Theodosius II was born to the eastern emperorArcadius and the empress Aelia Eudoxia in April of 401. As Eudoxia hadproduced three girls prior to this time, Theodosius' birth was receivedwith considerable excitement, both by his family and by the broaderpopulation of Constantinople. He was baptized and crowned Augustus inJanuary of the following year to enthusiastic crowds. Unlike hisfather, about whose early life we know practically nothing, Theodosius'youth is well-attested and it was spent preparing him for his futureimperial duties. From what we can tell of his education, the youngemperor was not trained to be the passive figurehead his father largelywas.

      He began, as did most upper class youths, in the cursus of classicaleducation, with grammarians and later rhetoricians. He was apparentlybilingual and showed a thirst for learning. The young emperorparticularly enjoyed editing and correcting manuscripts. As he grew olderand succeeded his father as sole ruler of the east in 408, Theodosius wasinstructed in the more martial skills of horsemanship, swordplay andperhaps other military arts as well. His eldest sister, Pulcheria, whowould gain great importance after the end of Anthemius' career, oversawhis moral education: orthodoxy, philanthropy and asceticism were all partof the curriculum. Pulcheria also taught Theodosius the subtleties ofbeing emperor: how to physically comport oneself, how to control emotion,and how to deal with ministers and aides. Given his sister's piety, it isprobable that the young man was also kept isolated from women.Theodosius' education, in sum, was training for an active, involvedChristian emperor.

      But like his father before him and his uncle Honorius in the west,Theodosius' youth at accession meant that he would be unable to evereffectively assert himself later in his reign. The Persian King,Isdigerdes, had briefly inserted himself into Roman affairs bythreatening war if any but Theodosius succeeded his father, a planapparently devised by Arcadius. The young Augustus was quickly accepted,but the Praetorian Prefect, Anthemius, continued to dominate politicalaffairs as he had in the last years of Arcadius' reign. In part dueto the acceptance of Isdigerdes' role as guardian, Rome and Persiaremained at peace until the Great King's death in 421.

      Anthemius meanwhile continued his work at mending fences with the west.When the western generalissimo, Stilicho, was assassinated, relationsbetween the two halves of the empire improved considerably. Honorius andTheodosius shared the consulship in 409 and Constantinople even sent4,000 troops to help guard Ravenna and Honorius against theVisigoths. While this gesture proved fruitless, the east and westnow worked more closely than they had since the death of Theodosius I.

      Anthemius also set about making Constantinople more defensible. In 413,he completed a circuit wall that enclosed most of the city andestablished a crucial water supply. Events since the 370s had proved thehinterlands unsafe: Illyricum, Thrace and other Balkan provinces had beenrepeatedly overrun by Germanic and Hunnic peoples. Indeed, as recently as408, the city had been threatened by a group of Huns under the leadershipof Uldin. He had been defeated, but the memory of that and other raidsspurred Anthemius' building projects.

      After 414, however, Anthemius fell off the political map and we canassume that he died. It is possible, however, that Theodosius dismissedthe Prefect. If that is the case, it perhaps indicates the degree towhich new powers at court now gained influence over the emperor. Theyoung man increasingly came under the control of Pulcheria, who began toinsert herself into public life. Whatever the reason, by mid-414,the young woman had risen to dominate the still underaged emperor.

      The Regency of Pulcheria - Edward Gibbon once wrote of Pulcheria: "shealone, among all the descendants of the great Theodosius (I), appears tohave inherited any share of his manly spirit and abilities." Evenbefore she took full control of her younger brother, she had shownherself a powerful force: in 412, at the age of 15, she had convincedTheodosius to dismiss the chamberlain (praepositus), Antiochus, who hadbeen overseeing the imperial household since the days of Arcadius. In thefollowing year, Pulcheria had consecrated herself to perpetual virginityand likewise exhorted her two sisters to do the same. It was a vow shewould not break, even when she married the emperor, Marcian, thirty-sevenyears later. More immediately, however, it gave her enormous moralauthority to oversee the upbringing and education of the young emperor.

      No sooner had Anthemius disappeared than Pulcheria completed herascendancy by having herself made Augusta in July of 414. She may havegotten help from Aurelian, who was named Praetorian Prefect of the eastshortly thereafter. With or without his help, the young woman's bidwas successful. So that there be no question of her authority, anofficial portrait in Constantinople was dedicated in the following year,depicting Honorius, Theodosius II and Pulcheria. And by denying hercapacity for childbirth, she offered a new conception of female power inthe public sphere, based on sanctity and the cult of the imperialmystique.

      Her authority manifested itself in a strongly pro-orthodoxadministration. Pulcheria, in her adolescent brother's name, passed lawsagainst Jews, pagans and heretics. For the first time, pagans wereofficially banned from holding public office and serving in themilitary. This would set an important precedent in the followingcentury for ostracizing other undesirables. Her movements against Jewsand their religion were particularly onerous: one early constitutionordered an end to the building of synagogues and the destruction ofexisting ones in places where there would be little or noresistance. It was also under Pulcheria's stewardship that themurder of the popular pagan philosopher, Hypatia, occurred in Alexandriaat the hands of Christians, encouraged, no less, by the archbishop,Cyril. Her order was brutal and barbaric, but the imperial court let itgo unpunished. To what degree this decision represented Theodosius'acceptance is difficult to establish, but clearly he did not strenuouslyobject to this pro-active policy of asserting Christianity as the properbelief of the empire.

      Apart from educating Theodosius in the arts of statecraft and heavilyimbuing him with Christian morals, Pulcheria made it her business to findher younger brother an appropriate spouse. Such arrangements would havenormally been carried out by a mother or father, but since they were bothdeceased, the job fell to the eldest sibling. Traditionally, Pulcheriawas thought to have picked an appropriate wife for her younger brother.The chosen girl, Athena?s, was young, intelligent, and well-educated byher philosopher father. She herself was a poet of some repute. Althoughpoor, Athena?s converted to Christianity, took the name Aelia Eudocia,and married the young emperor in June of 421. Recent scholarshiphas suggested, however, that Eudocia was less the choice of Pulcheriathan she was the candidate of many of the disenfranchised aristocrats ofthe eastern empire. Indeed, the two women's subsequentdisagreements and Eudocia's eventual disgrace implied that there wasconsiderable competition for prestige and authority.

      Pulcheria's most visible influence on state policy came during theecumenical council held at Ephesus in the summer of 431. Trying to settleonce and for all christological issues surrounding God's nature, thecouncil condemned the Nestorian controversy, which had presumed thatChrist had two separate persons -- one human, one divine -- in hisincarnation. Pulcheria engineered opposition against Nestorius (who wasthe patriarch of Constantinople at the time), not so much because of hisobjection to the Nicene creed, but because of his rejection of theincreasingly important Mother of God (Theotokos) movement. Nicaea wasupheld, Nestorius was deposed and exiled, and Nestorianism was declaredheresy. Pulcheria had used Cyril of Alexandria and other bishops to gaincontrol of the religious debate in the capital and the eastern Empire.

      In other areas of government, Pulcheria's hand rested more lightly.Military affairs and administrative changes were for the most part leftto the experts. Helion, for example, was made Master of Offices (magisterofficiorum) and held the post for thirteen years. Nevertheless, evenafter the emperor's majority, the Augusta's presence was always felt: weknow little of Helion's magistracy other than he seems to have been acompetent minister. Nor did her power ebb after her brother's death: itwas Pulcheria, after all, who lent legitimacy through marriage toTheodosius' successor, Marcian.

      The only real threat to her dominance over Theodosius came in the personof the emperor's wife. Aelia Eudocia had at first tried to build afaction of loyal officials around her, including her uncle Asclepiodotus,and sought to pursue more moderate religious policies. She alsoapparently bore the emperor three children, although only Licinia Eudoxiasurvived. But such power proved transitory and slowly Pulcheriacame back to the fore with her persecution of the Nestorians. Themarriage of Licinia to Valentinian III in 437 only reinforced thestruggle: Pulcheria gained by virtue of her own Theodosian blood, butEudocia also gained as mother of the bride.

      In the late 430s, the two struggled directly for dominance over theemperor's favor. As with Pulcheria's rise to power, the augustae chosethe religious sphere to assert their control. The emperor's sisteroversaw the return of John Chrysostom's relics to Constantinople andlobbied for the passage of new strict anti-pagan and anti-Jewishlegislation. As a means of reasserting her own standing, Eudociawent to the Holy Land on pilgrimage with the famous ascetic, Melania theYounger, and returned in 439 with important relics and enormous prestige.With the help of the sword-bearer (spatharius), Chrysaphius, she soughtto have Pulcheria removed from court. While this plot had some limitedsuccess, the eunuch soon turned on Eudocia and engineered her fallthrough rumors of adultery. Theodosius' wife once again left the capital,this time permanently. In the late 440s, she eventually took up themonophysitic cause. Thus, Pulcheria may have won the struggle, bustshe had lost the prize: Theodosius was no longer under her influence.

      Foreign Relations - Theodosius' foreign policies centered around threeaxes: relations with the Persians, the encroachment of the Hunconfederation under Rua and later Attila, and the precarious balance ofpower in the Mediterranean. In all three areas, the emperor and hisministers showed themselves to be occasionally adept, but for the mostpart unable to deal effectively with the rapid changes occurring aroundthem.

      Persian relations were good for the first years of Theodosius' reign.Isdigerdes' sponsorship of the emperor at his accession and hisapparently moderate attitudes towards Christianity assured amicabilitybetween the two empires until the Great King's death in 421. Butwith his death and the accession of his son, Vararanes V, hostilitiesbroke out again. The new king allegedly began a persecution ofChristians, and some Roman citizens were harassed. The king embarked upona campaign against Rome's eastern territories, but was very quicklydefeated by several able generals, including one Germanic officer,Ardabur. Having been defeated on all fronts, the Persians and Rome signedthe One-Hundred-Year Peace, which was supposed to recognize each nation'sborders and keep them largely demilitarized. Despite severalinfractions of that peace, including one in 440-441 with the accession ofIsdigerdes II, the treaty remained largely unviolated for the rest of thefifth century. Not until 502 did a major confrontation between Rome andPersia erupt into war.

      Of much greater concern were the steppe-dwellers of central Asia, theHuns. As nomadic horsemen, they rarely recognized central authority andthus had not represented a concerted threat to Rome's security. But underRua, who successfully united the smaller tribes under his rule, they wereable to directly affect the overall state of the Empire. Early inTheodosius' reign, a large contingency of Huns under Uldin had attackedThrace. Although defeated, this first major sojourn into imperialterritory presaged things to come. Despite repeated attempts to fortifythe Balkan hinterlands against incursions of foreign invaders, the courtat Constantinople found it politically expedient to deal with Hunaggression more directly; thus sometime in the mid-420s, the first annualindemnity, amounting to 350 pounds of gold, was paid to Rua.

      Shortly thereafter, Rua died and was replaced by his even more ablenephew, Attila (and Attila's brother, Bleda), who immediately demandedthe doubling of the annual tribute to 700 pounds of gold and forcedTheodosius' government to sign a treaty that was highly advantageous tothe Huns. In 441, while Theodosius was engaged in campaigns against thePersians and the Vandals in the west, Attila made new demands on thegovernment. When they were refused, the king plundered and sacked citiesalong the Danube. The Roman army was defeated and in 443, an even morehumiliating treaty and tribute was forced upon the court. Now the annualtribute stood at 2,100 pounds of gold, with an additional punitivepayment of 6,000 pounds due immediately. In 448, the demands were againraised and met by the Empire. By the time of Theodosius' death, theeastern empire's resources were near exhaustion.

      For fifteen years, then, Constantinople had been forced into a policy ofaccommodation. Many in the government had been responsible for acceptingthe extortion, although many more opposed any payments at all. In 449,Chrysaphius -- now chamberlain (praepositus) and in effective control ofthe eastern empire -- plotted Attila's murder. Although it failedand created even greater attempts to please the Huns, it represented thefirst serious attempt to oppose Hunnic hegemony. Since the eunuch hadprobably been one of the main architects of appeasement, his plot nodoubt signified the degree of desperation felt in the empire.

      Despite these threats from the east, however, western affairs dominatedTheodosius' foreign policy. Strong ties remained between Theodosius andhis uncle, Honorius, and later his cousin, Valentinian III. When Honoriusdied in 423 and a pretender, Ioannes, tried to assume the purple inRavenna, Theodosius sent a force under Ardabur to force recognition ofhis cousin, Valentinian. Galla Placidia's regency for the six-year-oldemperor assured Theodosian legitimacy. Theodosius even recognizedposthumously Constantius III (Galla Placidia's husband) as Augustus. Thetwo emperors would eventually share four consulships together.

      Nor was the east's support strictly symbolic. On two occasions,Theodosius sent large forces to aid the west against Vandal incursions.The first was an army in 431, led by Ardabur's son, Aspar, in an attemptto stop King Gaeseric's advance into the African provinces. Along withthe count of Africa, Boniface, Roman forces were badly beaten andretreated to Carthage. The defeat emboldened the Vandals to take most ofthe rest of North Africa by 439.

      Gaeseric's successes led to attacks on Sicily and the Italian coast. Theylaid siege to Palermo and may have taken Lilybaeum. Theodosius onceagain sent a large naval force against the Vandals in 441, with severalinitial successes. But perhaps through Gaeseric's diplomacy, the Persianschose at this time to attack Rome's eastern borders. Attila, too, saw theopportunity for aggression. Theodosius was forced to conclude a hastytreaty in 442. The agreement recognized the Vandals' holdings as aseparate, independent kingdom in formerly Roman territory. This wassymbolically a significant event: before this time, Germanic peoples hadaccepted settlement in Roman territory as official allies (foederati) ofthe empire. The treaty made manifest to all that Rome was no longermaster of its own domain.

      In all these dealings, Theodosius and his ministers did the best theycould to deal with a series of crises happening throughout Europe andwestern Asia. The eastern half of the Roman Empire was able to weatherthem, the west was not. In sum, to survive, the government inConstantinople was forced to redefine its place in the world.

      Legal and Administrative Programs - It was during the reign of Theodosiusthat the first great pandect of Roman law was published, with directparticipation from the emperor himself. In the age since Diocletian, whenthe last comprehensive law code had been issued, a large number ofgeneral constitutions had been published by both eastern and westernemperors. Many were no longer salient to modern-day concerns, and manymore were unworkable or contradictory. There was an additional problem ofharmonizing the law codes of the east and the west, and creating aprocess by which each half of the empire could recognize one another'slaws.

      In March of 429, Theodosius set up a commission to take all existing lawsfrom the late third century onward and arrange them in such a way as topresent a completely new and current code of jurisprudence. Theodosiusseemed less interested in getting rid of potential conflicts than he wasin providing completeness and creating a truly comprehensive law.After six years, an initial edition was completed in 435, but was notpublished. A new commission was appointed, headed by a lawyer fromAntioch, Antiochus Chuzon, to improve the language and create a system bywhich the code could be further emended and enlarged. In February of 438,the Codex Theodosianus was published and presented to the Senates in Romeand Constantinople, which both received the work with apparententhusiasm. Consistent with his desire to make the code an expandabledocument, Theodosius himself issued several supplementary laws(novellae).

      The code had enormous influence, both in itself and in future legalhistory. It proved to be the basis for the emperor Justinian's much moreambitious judicial reforms in the following century. The Visigothic king,Alaric II, also incorporated large parts of Theodosius' work into the LexRomana Visigothorum in 507. The code is probably the only majoraccomplishment during Theodosius? reign that can be directly attributedto his influence.

      The emperor's administrative reforms were also aggressive, although theirresults were mixed. In the 420s and 430s the emperor and his ministers,perhaps because of fiscal pressures, enacted fiscal policies thatattempted to bring more revenue into the imperial coffers. One suchpolicy was a much more forceful collection of rents on imperial landsgranted to lessees, another discontinued the extensive tax exemptionsheld on large tracts of land, and still another attempted levy wealthytaxpayers in gold coin. In the last case, the levies were in directresponse to the increasing monetary demands of the Huns. The emperor alsotried to cut down on the sale of offices, which was a ubiquitous problemat all levels of government. Subsequent legislation of the samesort in the following centuries suggests that such measures were notaltogether successful.

      These fiscal policies went hand-in-hand with Theodosius' legal work.Theodosius moved towards greater administrative control by reserving theissuance of grant deeds of imperial lands to the very highest ofoffices. Such moves were part of a broader centralization ofauthority in the eastern Rome and helped create the apparatus of theByzantine state.

      Final Years and Assessment - On July 28, 450, Theodosius II fell from hishorse in an accident and died shortly thereafter. On his deathbed, hepurportedly named Marcian as his successor. Whether or not this wasthe case, Marcian was crowned emperor less than a month later in thehippodrome.

      The emperor's death could not have come at a more confusing time. Sincethe emperor had produced no male issue, there was no clear heir to thethrone. From his immediate family, only his sister, Pulcheria, survivedin the eastern Empire. Moreover, following the attempted assassination ofAttila, both Romans and Huns were deeply suspicious of one another. Thepast twenty years of Hun extortion had also drained the imperialtreasury. In the west, despite strong support for Valentinian, Theodosiuswas unable to keep the Vandals from consolidating their gains in theMediterranean. Gaeseric was willing and able to take up further wars whenopportunity presented.

      Finally, the religious victories of orthodox Christians were temporarilythrown into disarray by Theodosius II himself. Calling a general councilat Ephesus in 449, usually called the Robber Council or Latrocinium, itfavored the christological stance of Eutyches and his supporters. Heargued the monophysitic position that Christ had only one nature and itwas divine. Matters were made worse by the deposition and subsequentdeath of Constantinople's patriarch, Flavian. The decision to support hisbeliefs caused widespread dissent in Constantinople, insulted andalienated the west in the person of Pope Leo I, and represented the firstmajor split between eastern and western Christendom.

      In the end, Theodosius II had a small enough legacy given the length ofhis reign aside from his legal initiatives. His studied and visible pietywould become a model for future emperors, and his Theodosian blood keptcivil wars practically non-existent. For that, the east enjoyedconsiderable internal stability. But his reign also marked the clearshrinking of Rome's empire and its influence. Future emperors were forcedto deal with a western empire politically disintegrating and aMediterranean that was no longer mare nostrum ("our sea"). Much of thefollowing fifty years helped to create the empire of Byzantium.Theodosius II's quiescence helped in no small part.

      Bibliography and Notes -
      There are a large number of primary sources, both religious and secular,that deal with the reign of Theodosius II. They include theecclesiastical histories of Sozomen (ed. J. Bidez and G.C. Hanson; 1960),Evagrius(ed. J. Bidez and L. Parmentier; 1898), Theodoret(ed. F.Scheidweiler; 1954), and Socrates(ed. R. Hussey, 1853); the fragmentedsecular histories of Olympiodorus and Priscus (ed. C. Mueller, iv; 1870);and later historians such as Philostorgus (ed. J. Bidez; 1913),Marcellinus Comes (ed. T. Mommsen; 1894), John Malalas (ed. L. Dindorf;1831), and Theophanes (ed. C. de Boor; 1883). There are also churchchronicles detailing the religious events of his reign, particularly theChronicon Paschale (ed. L. Dindorf; 1832). The Acta of the Council ofEphesus also survive (ed. J.D. Mansi; 1759-1798). The Codex Theodosianuscontains a large number of the emperor's legal enactments as well as anexcellent description in the opening sections of the pandect's inceptionand presentation (ed. T. Mommsen and P. Krueger; 1905). The CodexJustinianus also contains a number of laws from the emperor's reign (ed.P. Krueger; 1877).

      Bibliography -
      Bury, J.B. (1958) History of the Later Roman Empire, 2 volumes, repr.from a 1923 ed. (New York).
      Cameron, Al. (1982), "The Empress and the Poet: Paganism and Politics atthe Court of Theodosius II," Yale Classical Studies 27, 217-89.
      ________.and Long, J. (1993), Barbarians and Politics at the Court ofArcadius (Berkeley).
      Charlesworth, M.P. (1947), "Imperial Deportment: Two Texts and SomeQuestions," Journal of Roman Studies 37, 34-8.
      Drake, H. (1979), "A Coptic Version of the Discovery of the HolySepulchre," Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 20, 381-92.
      Giacchero, M. (1983), "Il realismo della politica orientale di TeodosioII," Accademia romanistica constantiniana. Atti del voConvergnointernazionale (Perugia), 247-54.
      Gibbon, E. (1958), The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 3 volumes(New York).
      G?ldenpenning, A., (1885) Geschichte des ostr?mischen Reiches unter denKaisern Arcadius und Theodosius II (Halle; repr. 1965, Amsterdam).
      Haehling, R. von (1978), Die Religionszugeh?rigkeit der hohen Amtstr?gerdes r?mischen Reiches seit Constantins I. Alleinherrschaft bis zum Endeder Theodosianischen Dynastie, Antiquitas ser. 3, vol. 23 (Bonn).
      Harries, J. and Wood, I. (1993), eds., The Theodosian Code: Studies inthe Imperial Law of Late Antiquity (London).
      Holum, Kenneth (1982), Theodosian Empresses (Berkeley).
      Lippmann, A. (1973), "Theodosius," Real-Encyclop?die der classischenAltertumwissenschaft suppl. 13 (Berlin), 961-1044.
      Lubh?id, C. (1965), "Theodosius II and Heresy," Journal of EcclesiasticalHistory 16, 13-38.
      Martindale, J.R. (1980), The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire,vol. ii (Cambridge).
      Seeck, O. (1920), Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt,? 6 vols.(Stuttgart).

      Notes -
      Marc. comes, 402:2; Marc. Diac., V. Porph. 33-50.
      For his education, see Sozomon, ix:1; cf. Philostorgius, xii:7 andTheophanes, AM 5901. Charlesworth (1947).
      Procopius, Persian Wars, i:2:1-10; Theophanes AM 5900.
      Zos. v:22; cf. Soc. vii:10 and Soz. ix:9.
      Soz. ix:5.
      For his possible dismissal, see Seeck (1920):vi:69.
      Gibbon (1958):ii:218.
      Cameron and Long: 399-403.
      Holum (1982):97.
      CTh xvi:10:21 (415). On its significance, see von Haehling(1978):600-5.
      CTh xvi:8:22 (415).
      John Malalas, 14; cf. Chron. pasch. aa 420-1, Theophanes AM 5911,and Evagrius i:20.
      Holum (1982):112-30.
      Al. Cameron (1982).
      Martindale (1980):130, 473.
      NTh 3 (438).
      Drake (1979).
      Soc. vii:8.
      See Soc. vii:18-20 for these events.
      Priscus, fr. 7, 8, 12, 13.
      Bury (1958):1:254-5.
      Harries and Wood (1993):15-20.
      CTh xxi:20:5 (424), CTh xi:20:6 (430) and Priscus, fr. 5.
      CJ ix:27:6 (439).
      Nov. Theo. II, v:2:1 (439) and xvii:2:3 (444).
      Chron. Pasch. a.a. 450.

      Copyright (C) 1999, Geoffrey S. Nathan. This file may be copied on thecondition that the entire contents, including the header and thiscopyright notice, remain intact.

  • Sources 
    1. [SAuth] Jim Carney, compiled by James H Carney [(E-ADDRESS), & MAILING ADDRESS FOR PRIVATE USE], Buderim, Queensland 4556 AUSTRALIA.